‘If Other Countries Had Not Burdened Nepal with Employment Issues, the Generation Generation Movement Would Have Emerged Sooner’

Anthropologist Professor Dr. Tank Bahadur Subba has stated that the originality and impact of Nepal’s indigenous people’s movement diminished after the Maoists adopted its main issues. He points out that the lack of educated and visionary leaders, along with tendencies to dissolve the movement for political gain, are primary reasons for the stalemate of the Gorkhaland movement. Though India’s New Education Policy 2020 is theoretically excellent, the absence of a clear roadmap has resulted in less than expected success, according to his analysis. Dr. Subba is a visiting professor at the Indian Institute of Technology Gandhinagar and a former vice-chancellor of Sikkim University. Having taught anthropology at Northwestern Hill University in Shillong for a long time, he has written and edited 18 books related to the Eastern Himalayas and published more than 80 research articles. He earned his PhD from the University of North Bengal four decades ago and has closely studied Nepal. In this interview, he offers deep analysis of the caste and class interrelationships in the Nepali-speaking communities of India and Nepal, the Gorkhaland and indigenous movements in Darjeeling and Nepal, as well as political conditions. He also shares clear views on youth dissatisfaction hidden within India’s political stability, the impact of the Agneepath recruitment policy for Gurkhas, and soft colonialism. Presented below is an edited version of the conversation with Dr. Subba:

When do you usually visit Nepal?
I come only when friends invite me. I have visited twice on my own accord. The first time was in 1990 for a postdoctoral research on the Kirat under my own expenses. The second was to Sangkhuwasava, my birthplace, with my mother. Otherwise, I have come to Kathmandu for various programs upon invitation.

Is Sangkhuwasava your maternal home?
Yes, it is my maternal uncle’s house.

Were you born at your maternal uncle’s house in Sangkhuwasava?
Yes, I was born there.

Where is your original homeland?
If homeland means where one grew up, then it is Kalimpong.

From where did you move to Kalimpong?
Our grandfather and great-grandfather hail from Kalimpong. Baraajuji came from South Sikkim, Sikkim.

According to Mundhum, Limbu history begins from Mewakhola; thus, your village is called ‘Mewakhole Subba,’ but there is no memory of this?

Did you study in Kalimpong?
Yes, I studied in Kalimpong. I completed my MA and PhD at the University of North Bengal in Siliguri.

Your 1985 doctoral research was on the Nepali-speaking caste and class relations of Darjeeling and Sikkim, also focusing on agriculture?
My PhD was completed in 1985. The topics of caste, class, and agriculture are interconnected. Our society’s class division is based on agriculture. My thesis divides the society into three classes: landowners, tenants farming others’ land, and those solely practicing shifting cultivation.

Please briefly summarize your thesis findings.
Within our caste system, there are large and small caste tiers. Economic support plays a significant role at the higher caste levels. Land ownership aligns caste and class. In the hill regions, there is less alignment between caste and class as altitude increases.

When studying Himalayan ethnic groups, cultures, and languages, how do you compare India’s Nepali-speaking societies with those in Nepal?
I conducted postdoctoral political studies on Kirat culture in Nepal. I examined the vitality, authenticity, and politics in the indigenous movement. After some of the movement’s demands were incorporated by the Maoists, the movement weakened.

What is the current status of the Gorkhaland movement?
The Gorkhaland movement becomes active occasionally but has not been continuous since 1907. Greed within the leadership has weakened the movement. There is a shortage of educated and visionary leaders.

How do you view the movement led by Ladakh’s leader Sonam Wangchuk?
His movement is longstanding. His contribution as a young leader is original and commendable. He has inspired many through his nonviolent Gandhian approach.

Since 2014, Modi’s government has maintained political stability; then why has youth unrest increased?
Modi has brought important political stability. However, unemployment, the lack of qualified job opportunities, and insufficient institutional services have increased dissatisfaction. Low wages and high unemployment fuel youth discontent.

What is your opinion on Nepal’s Generation Generation movement?
Employment issues in Nepal are very critical. If other countries hadn’t offloaded the employment burden onto Nepal, this movement would have started much earlier. The scarcity of job opportunities has escalated youth anger. Even when governments change, structural transformations remain absent. The governance follows old frameworks, so the problems persist unchanged.

What do you think about the Agneepath policy and recruitment of Nepali youth?
The Agneepath policy risks negatively affecting military discipline and effectiveness. There is concern that the youth discharged after four years could become a threat to the country.

Was it not wrong for India to decide the Triangular Agreement of November 1947 without consulting Nepal?
Any government may make unilateral decisions sometimes. There is a difference between weak and strong power balance. Strong powers often do not consider the perspectives of weaker ones.

What is the relationship between Madhesi-origin Nepalis and Nepali-origin Indians regarding political power?
There is a connection between Madhesi and Nepali-origin Indians. However, Madhesi Nepalis dominate in some spheres, unlike Nepali-origin Indians. Nationally, Nepali-origin Indians have limited representation in India.

How is the intellectual exchange between Nepal and India?
In Nepal, some classes monopolize knowledge production. Comparative research and education collaboration exist with Nepali-origin Indians. Yet inclusivity within Nepal remains weak.

Why does ethnic discord and unequal education access persist in society?
Historically, many castes were marginalized. Gurukul and early schooling were not accessible to all. Urban and affluent groups had higher literacy. Consequently, systems remain non-inclusive.

What is the link between injustices suffered by certain communities in Nepal and their migration to India?
When dominant castes held key positions, disadvantaged castes were displaced and migrated to India. Starting with Kami, Damai, Sarki, Darji, other castes gradually joined. Bahun and Chhetri generally migrated by the late 19th century.

Was employment in India caste-specific?
Bahun and Chhetri were engaged in dairy farming, whereas others worked in agriculture, woodworking, and tree cutting. Rai, Limbu, Tamang, Magar, and Gurung were prevalent in tea gardens. Bahun and Chhetri were mostly absent there.

Twenty years ago, at the Madan Award ceremony, you said ‘Nepal is very uncertain.’ How is it now?
Nepal remains uncertain. People’s mentality and intellectual training influence analysis differences. Many perceive political conditions as unstable. Even taxi drivers believe governments last at least five years now. Courts have reversed government decisions, indicating judiciary independence.

The Maoists were part of the peace process in 2006 (2063 BS). How is the current situation?
At that time, many of us believed Nepal could become a failed state. Now Nepal is on its path. How responsible the government remains to be seen.

Please explain soft colonialism.
Nepal was not a direct British colony but was indirectly controlled by the British. After the Sugauli Treaty, a British representative resided in Kathmandu. Nepal’s real sovereignty was never fully achieved.

What is your view on the 1923 treaty that recognized Nepal as a sovereign nation?
The 1923 treaty gave Nepal formal external recognition as a sovereign state, but real control remained with the British. Nepal needed British approval for foreign policy decisions.

What do you say about the controversy and reform efforts concerning the 1950 Peace and Friendship Treaty between Nepal and India?
The Nepalese government appears ready to reform, but the Indian government is less so. The committee provided suggestions without consulting the public. Gaining consensus on such a secret treaty is difficult. Hoping for a good outcome for both countries, it remains necessary to reduce tensions.