Why Isn’t the U.S. Providing Direct Support to Saudi Arabia Despite Houthi Attacks? Four Key Reasons Explained
Following the resurgence of conflict in Yemen in July 2026, the Iran-backed Houthi rebels have intensified hundreds of attacks targeting Saudi Arabia. A recent devastating assault on Riyadh’s main international airport resulted in 13 fatalities and over 300 injuries. In the absence of direct U.S. military support, Saudi Arabia is seeking diplomatic and security partnerships with France, the United Kingdom, Turkey, and Pakistan. The attack, which also involved an American citizen, has put Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman’s ambitious “Vision 2030” plan—aimed at transforming Saudi Arabia into a global economic and financial hub—under intense pressure. Globally, questions have arisen over why the United States is hesitant to provide direct assistance to Saudi Arabia amid these ongoing attacks.
1. Historical Relations and Trust Erosion
The historic alliance between the United States and Saudi Arabia was established in 1945 when President Franklin D. Roosevelt met with the Kingdom’s founder, King Abdulaziz Ibn Saud, forging a foundational “security for oil” partnership. This relationship deepened after the 1979 Iranian Islamic Revolution, with the U.S. defending Saudi Arabia during the 1990 Kuwait crisis. Nonetheless, the bilateral ties have experienced fluctuations over the years — from the 1973 oil embargo to Saudi nationals’ involvement in the September 11 attacks, straining trust. More recently, some actions by Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman, including the Qatar blockade and efforts to reduce American influence, especially during former President Donald Trump’s second term, have unsettled Washington. The 2021 abrupt U.S. military withdrawal from Afghanistan and reduced support for Egypt’s Hosni Mubarak government underscored to Riyadh that American backing may not be guaranteed indefinitely.
2. Midterm Elections and Domestic Political Pressures
Geopolitical relationships are largely driven by national interests. The U.S. has become the world’s largest oil producer thanks to massive shale oil output, drastically reducing its dependence on Middle Eastern oil imports. On the domestic front, as the country prepares for its midterm elections, American voters are increasingly dissatisfied with inflation and rising fuel prices. Middle East expert Jasmin Al-Gamal notes that the American public struggles to understand why their taxes and lives should be linked to military involvement in Middle Eastern conflicts. Consequently, President Trump seeks to avoid risky military actions ahead of the elections.
3. Trump’s Unpredictable Approach and Diplomacy with the Houthis
Saudi Arabia anticipated consistent support from the U.S., but this expectation was unmet. Despite signing a new defense agreement and obtaining “Major Non-NATO Ally” status last year, American assistance during crises has fallen short. Prince Mohammed reportedly called President Trump urging action against the Houthis, but Trump chose to refrain from military intervention. Instead, Washington pursued negotiations with the Houthis through Oman, as their attacks remain focused on Saudi Arabia, ensuring the safety of American vessels in the Red Sea. Former U.S. ambassador to Saudi Arabia Michael Ratney described Trump’s approach as highly unpredictable. Facing these challenges alone, Saudi Arabia has turned to France, the UK, Turkey, and Pakistan for diplomatic alternatives. France has agreed to send military personnel and resources, the UK is providing aerial refueling capabilities, while over 100 U.S. military advisors remain deployed in the region for intelligence and targeting assistance covertly.
4. The Mecca Defense Agreement and Regional Options
As the crisis deepens, Riyadh has reactivated its historic “Mecca Defense Agreement” with Turkey and Pakistan. Following an emergency summit, a trilateral security framework was established, though its immediate impact is uncertain. Analyst Allison Miner highlights significant doubts about Saudi Arabia’s capability to completely neutralize Houthi forces across Yemen’s territory. The Biden administration also acknowledges the impossibility of fully halting Houthi attacks, viewing the situation largely as an internal Saudi matter.
5. Complications in Normalizing Relations with Israel
Since Trump’s first term, Saudi Arabia has expressed interest in normalizing ties with Israel under the Abraham Accords framework. Israel, in turn, has sought to use its security capabilities in the UAE to help protect Saudi Arabia from Houthi attacks and bolster its own strategic position. Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has shown enthusiasm for providing defense and military assistance to Riyadh, expecting Saudi Arabia to join the Abraham Accords in return. However, Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman has vehemently opposed such overt normalization. Public acceptance of Israel’s role risks severe backlash within the Islamic world and from the Saudi populace, potentially damaging Riyadh’s standing and complicating the kingdom’s diplomatic landscape further.